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Tourism and Social Identities. Overview Reviews Author Biography Overview In an attempt to escape from her stressful life as a single working mother of two young boys, Kathy Giuffre books a year-long trip for four in a tropical paradise. At the last minute, her boyfriend announces he isn't joining them, and Kathy finds herself in an unlivable house in Rarotonga, a tiny speck in the middle of the South Pacific Ocean.
As time passes, Kathy is seduced by the island and its people and by feelings she has never before experienced. This is an inspirational story about having the courage to search for something better and finding it—serenity, sensuality, and, ultimately, love. In Chapter Two after an introductory resources for asset building. Chapter Five chapter Yuval Elmelech demonstrates that continues the themes of Chapter Four by inequalities in the control of material resour- focusing on the beliefs and practices that ces have affected individual life chances and underlie the private transfers of financial outcomes.
Moreover, these asset-based divi- resources. Elmelech analyzes the attitudes sions are not due to only human capital and and norms regarding such transfers. Particu- labor market differences. Instead, kinship- lar attention is placed on the disposition of based transactions of material resources the wealth of older Americans and also of play a critical role in determining socioeco- younger age cohorts to support the elderly nomic disparities.
This result forms a basis financially. Also treated is parental invest- for stratification analysis. Previous literature ment in children and how this affects their has established a strong association between economic well-being. Elmelech, instead, concen- for the pattern of parental investment. Inter- trates on the social mechanism for this national comparisons with other advanced correlation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton exceeds that of income.
A similar finding Press, ISBN: is evident for the wealth gap between Unlike much of the earlier literature on this ques- tion, Elmelech singles out differences in The Empire of Trauma is a grand achievement. He a badge of honor in some circles: to have also presents empirical findings to examine experienced trauma is to be a victim, and the extent to which racial and ethnic varia- to be a victim is to be a moral category wor- tion in immigration status, family structure, thy of compassion in the modern age.
But it and, notably, intergenerational transfers are was not always so.
A century ago, those indi- responsible for the asset gap between viduals who experienced symptoms now whites and minorities. The author weaves that follow, is the subject of this fascinating a compelling story of the rise of assets as book. The book mixes up data from different expert communities such as physicians, wealth data sources, including the well- and by victims-rights groups. What is at regarded Survey of Consumer Finances stake? A great deal. While accepting that Chapter One, p.
The author should have been are the political and moral consequences more discriminating in the use of second- once the discourse of trauma helps to pro- ary data sources. The original data work duce modern victimhood. A more recent contexts—from military physicians, to veter- Survey of Consumer Finances would ans groups, to Holocaust survivors, to have been preferable.
This section a social fact that everyone is assumed to of the book bursts with insights and provo- experience. One is that the modern category of workers look not only for physical wounds trauma has several origins, emerging from but also for emotional scars, assume that all different sets of events, politics, and commu- those who witnessed violence must be vic- nities. Symptoms that were once ma, asked to authenticate the pain of others, viewed as having doubtful legitimacy are and become authorized to speak on behalf of now accepted and demand sympathy and the victims.
Victims, in turn, lose any agency compensation. Second, and related, trauma is the great mor- The Empire of Trauma is learned, provoca- al equalizer. We are all victims now. Victim sta- tive, rigorous, balancing the empirical and tus is no longer monopolized by those who the normative, and deserves a wide reader- were brutalized; it is a language also available ship. Rare is the book that can provide a com- to those who perpetrated brutalities. The American soldier returning as a natural category of our modern home from Vietnam now being treated for times, can force an uncomfortable dialogue PTSD is a victim.
If all are victims, then all between the science of trauma and its moral have equal status, and assigning responsibility, politics, and can demonstrate its effects guilt, blame, and condemnation becomes through a series of intimately written case increasingly difficult. If all are victims then histories. This is a rare and remarkable the very category of victimhood becomes triv- achievement. If trauma defines how we remember historic events, the history will melt into a pack- age of symptoms.
A Quantitative Tour of the Social Sciences, The second half of the book demonstrates edited by Andrew Gelman and Jeronimo the effects of the discourse of trauma on var- Cortina. New York: Cambridge University ious events and fields of action. Once a cate- Press, ISBN: gory is produced, legions of professionals The authors examine the politics and Andrew Gelman and Jeronimo Cortina offer power of trauma in several instances. I found the contribution a tour of quantitative social science, shaped by historian Herbert S.
Klein with coauthor by the purpose for which the volume was ini- Charles Stockley to be among the most tially constructed—a series of lectures devel- enjoyable. It is ence toward the near dominance of cultural not a theory construction manual that history approaches in most history depart- implores readers to develop theories with ments today. Overall, the eled on what is done in the English and focus of the volume is the connection comparative literature departments. He lays out alternative models of the World War I to cooperate with each other outbreak of race riots from to , by remaining in their trenches and choosing showing why Poisson models are too con- not to shoot, contrary to the orders of their strained and hence do not fit the data.
He commanding officers. Because follow this basic structure. The last two payoff schedule does not apply. He continues, stating, have a place. The implication of this statement is then These are catastrophic events, but they are demonstrated in the chapters that follow. Yet, the utility of such and the details are not lost in history. I ques- approaches to social science is best realized tion whether at least some of the types of when models are submitted to appropriate complex, amorphous, historical events that but rigorous empirical evaluation.
Notably, Gibbs chooses are appropriate for this meth- Cortina ends the volume with a presentation odology. Overall, the simplification. Control and control failures approach to social science presented in the are based on decisions, but decisions are volume is appealing and, from my perspec- complex and they are rarely made in a vacu- tive, consistent with the best traditions of um. Take the Simpson example. By defini- sociological analysis. It is perhaps the poster Colossal Control Failures: From Julius Caesar to child of the construction of social reality.
Boulder, CO: just the jury deliberations, 12 individuals, Paradigm Publishers, This is after being presented gramling louisiana. Been turned Hoover and the Great Depression boils down for a loan? Ever been unable to start down to three basic points: a car? He then uses falling. A minor one is a slightly that most of them would also have taken presumptive and arrogant writing style. For a much more nuanced approached to the example, those who disagree with the assess- beginnings of the Great Depression.
Or a handful of elite players? A major prob- definitive as Gibbs would like it to be. With lem is the acronyms. In one instance, an acro- Third, some things are simply not amena- nym was created in one sentence, used two ble to the analysis of social considerations— sentences later and, as far as I can tell, was decisions. Durkheim got it wrong—there is not used again in the volume. Perhaps I a physical world out there. Finally, by focusing on control failures, Gibbs seems to limit his analysis of control.
If Simp- Pacific, by Katherine Giuffre. The unraveled like a sweater, definitive cause and contemporary art world includes many forms effect demonstrated, and even the causality that have existed for ages, alongside newer of alternative actions established. If Hoover forms that have been created thanks to new had acted differently, would we have had technologies and creative developments.
The the Great Depression? If the prosecutor had older forms may have existed for generations, acted differently, would Simpson have but they have not always been art in the way been convicted? These are critically impor- that we think of them today. The artisans tant, though fundamentally unanswerable and craftsmen who built great architectural questions, because the answers determine structures, beautiful pottery vessels, and whether the factors Gibbs identifies are the exquisite furniture in the past were rarely reasons an event happens, or are of minor, afforded the sort of esteem that artists today or even no historical consequence.
This book makes interesting use of a variety The question of how an artisan becomes of theoretical perspectives. Giuffre opens with an artist is actually a paraphrase of a section a focus on theories of creativity, including both heading in the third chapter of Katherine psychological and sociological paradigms. Clearer is the discus- alization, education, heritage, and the mar- sion of cultural, social, economic, and symbolic ket in the development of the Cook Islands capital that Giuffre used in her consideration of art world.
She analysis of the artists of Rarotonga, based arrived there in the midst of an art boom, on asking artists in interviews to name the characterized best as the creation of a Raro- top three artists on the island. Guiffre was tongan art world and of Rarotongan art itself.
The tified as art. The year when artisans became highest prices. The Acolytes are the most artists on Rarotonga seems to have been dur- diverse group in terms of their origins, edu- ing They are fairly new to Cultural transformation does not happen the art world, although their talent is well easily or without controversy.
On Rarotonga, noted, and their in-group density is fairly the emergence of the art world revealed low. The Midwives had an in-group density social divides between native residents, for- lower than the Stars and higher than the eign residents, tourists, and expatriate Acolytes. Predominantly women, these natives now living mostly in New Zealand. Fin- New Zealand was sued for painting a native ally, the Old Guard is a low-density collection woman standing in front of her quilts, and for of primarily self-taught artists with lengthy selling prints of the work.
The designs on the ties to the islands. These groups were initially patchwork behind the woman were treated identified through the mathematical model- as the cultural property of the Cook Islands ing of the social network analysis. The suit did not succeed legally, but Collective Creativity bridges ethnographic it served as a battleground in the fight over methodologies, sociological analyses of art, who would be defined as a Rarotongan artist.
The was mediated by powerful gallery owners, book provides an excellent observation of the development of an international market the transformation of artisans into artists.ileasunpoole.cf/4170.php
Awa Press » Kathy Giuffre
ISBN: ing, which has produced a situation in The earlier book, The Stars Dividing his sample into three cohorts, Are Not Enough: Scientists—Their Passions early- to mid-career, mid- to late-career, and Professions , examined the same and late- to post-career, Hermanowicz finds group of physics professors at an earlier substantial differences in perceptions of stage of their careers. Together these books their careers and of their institutions among provide valuable information about the members of these cohorts and within each characteristics of academic careers in phys- cohort, by prestige of institution.
The present book is based on 60 in-depth Physicists at mid-rank institutions stress interviews with physics faculty, almost all teaching as well as research while those at of whom were selected randomly and inter- low-rank institutions are primarily oriented viewed for the previous book. The subjects toward teaching. Academic location is were located at six American universities strongly correlated with level of satisfaction. Research Council. Because of the small sam- These differences between physicists with ple size, the author uses small-N compari- different types of careers become more pro- sons of his three institutional cases, instead nounced in the mid- to late-career stage.
Sat- of statistical analysis. He presents his data isfaction with their institutions and with in cross-tab tables and includes lengthy the scientific reward system remains high quotations from his interviews. His focus is among elite physicists but plummets among continuity and change in academic careers, communitarians and, to a considerable using three theoretical perspectives, sociol- extent, among pluralists.
At differ- this period among those who are located at ent levels of prestige, environments of these less prestigious schools. He explains these universities constitute elite worlds, where findings by the fact that rewards at presti- the emphasis is placed on research; pluralist gious schools diminish with age along with worlds, where both research and teaching positive perceptions of the scientific reward are valued; and communitarian worlds, system while, among physicists at less pres- which promote teaching.
The author provides tigious schools, scientific rewards cease to be detailed information on the types of changes important. In After retirement, physicists at less presti- recent years that hope has been backed by gious schools are likely to abandon research, foreign policies and international programs particularly communitarians, while elite trying to promote democracy where it is physicists persevere in the face of diminish- not well established.
The open question is ing rewards. Ethan In order to interpret his findings, Herman- Kapstein and Nathan Converse claim that owicz draws on theories from his three theo- it is possible and that the chances for success retical perspectives and develops a set of 40 improve when leaders of young democra- propositions he presents in an appendix cies build institutions that disperse econo- under several categories, including anomie mic and political power and are supported and adaptation, reference groups and social in this by the international community.
Kapstein and Converse are not interested Physicists in all three groups experience in democracies per se, but rather with epi- anomie as their expectations for achieving sodes of democratization. Hermano- Polity IV index of democracy. It is the move- wicz finds that discontent with the scientific ment toward democracy that matters, not reward system is widespread at all levels of the level of democracy attained.
In principle, the system. An evaluate their accomplishments in relation episode of democratization fails when it is to those of eminent scientists. Pluralists stopped by a revolutionary antidemocratic gradually cease to conform to the norms of change in governance. The risk of reversal these reference groups, preferring to evalu- is not small. Of the episodes of democra- ate their accomplishments on their own. Although the book cies, Kapstein and Converse encourage us to makes an important contribution to the rela- revise two major ideas we hold about tively neglected field of academic careers democratization.
Among diffi- them decades ago. Their credibility suffers. Without credi- ISBN: bility, it is difficult for leaders to be accepted Here is a catch In Lat- provide a succinct and valuable guide to in American, they show, political and eco- what we know about why young democra- nomic leaders can choose and sometimes cies survive or fail.
Most important, they act to overcome challenges posed by unfa- demonstrate over and over again that young vorable conditions. It states that democratization is constrain and disperse political and economic a product of economic performance, with power. This is not easy to do. But it has been high growth conducive to democratization done. It remains an urgent question, not only and low growth conducive to democratic for policymakers and scholars, to ask what reversals.
Poverty, high infant mortality rates, encourages leaders to choose this path and and low economic growth are all factors that what empowers them to follow it. Even so, economic variables do not tell the whole story. Lanham, racies. Doing so since the s has depended MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, partly on a supportive international commu- Inc. ISBN: nity. Despite poor economies, Eastern Euro- Contrast this with the experi- krlacy umich.
Consider also democratic success and fail- A distinguishing characteristic of private ure in East Asia. But, as Kapstein and Converse explain, clubs. How elite club members actively matters are more complex. Ken- lead to stable democracies. Generalizations are hazard- not available to outsiders.
These organiza- ous. Because it is impossible to acquire In sum, Kapstein and Converse conclude club status on the basis of money alone, that the success or failure of democracies is even the parvenu cannot gain access to the shaped by the interaction of initial condi- kind of exclusive lifestyle that is conferred tions, economic performance, political insti- through membership in elite social clubs. It is hard to quarrel with them. I would tation as the existing members.
In fact, new have liked more attention paid to war and recruits must be sponsored by an existing the military. Others would pay more atten- member, who makes the case, convincing tion to government spending.
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Even when an entertain close friends over a meal prepared applicant possesses the requisite social ties, by a five-star chef. Typically, elite clubs require golf fees, bar tabs, and dining bills. These men to wear a coat and tie in the main dining expenses alone would prohibit most Ameri- room, and most clubs prohibit jeans, sweat- cans from joining an elite club. But, along shirts, and miniskirts. Here, as in Most people can only imagine what actu- all aspects of elite club life, what matters ally happens inside the walls of elite clubs.
Developing respect and an perceive their elite status. But this is a small appreciation for how things have always quibble about a work that brings us a giant been done at the club is essential to becom- step closer to understanding the social world ing a good club member, and the club works of the upper crust.
Scholarly analyses of the conditions, codes that clubs privilege. Kla- mastectomy procedure, and norms of secrecy witer examines the changing forms of surrounding post-procedure social life for biomedical and biopolitical discourses, prac- many women. Her book combines keen theoreti- In addition, emerging less radical in terms cal work, synthesizing social movement, of surgery treatments were becoming popu- poststructuralist, and feminist modes of the- lar, promoted in some cases by breast cancer orizing with detailed empirical research patients themselves.
Over half of the and performances of the body by breast can- book is devoted to close empirical descrip- cer activists. In an tudes toward science, and forms of body insightful section, Klawiter argues that the politics and political culture. The Susan G. Neither of these views grants Bay area COAs. She also looks at changes agency to Japanese women. She notes using concepts of risk to examine emerging that Japanese women of a variety of assemblages of technologies, discourses, backgrounds—from middle-class feminists and forms of embodiment and subjectivity and working-class factory workers to in and around the biopolitics of breast prostitutes—and American women occupa- cancer.
She also provides a helpful concep- men, occupiers and occupied, and white tual vocabulary for further research into ter- and colored,. Her Sociologists of all stripes will find something use of data is exhaustive. Her linking of indi- of value in this important book.
Beard and Cold War in the U. Occupation of Japan, by Weed admired one another, and they Mire Koikari. Her book is centered on the role of of containment of women in four chapters. Rather, Sirota Gordon gave women constitutional it addresses and undermines almost all equality. At the same time, because this der. The anti-VD movement made were linked to empires both during and after strange bedfellows: middle-class feminists the war. In this chapter, Koikari also shows briefly joined with working-class women to that Gordon was a complicated historical assert their purity against the prostitutes, figure.
The constitutional changes Gordon whom they wanted to take off the streets. As a naturalized U. Within each of these categories, there ers. Despite her centrality to the story of was heterogeneity—not all occupiers were the occupation, Gordon was a destabilizing men, and not all feminists, workers, and figure.
Koikari shows Chapter Three discusses the imple- persuasively that hierarchies and differen- mentation of gender policies. Instructional meetings and lectures were Reference the main method of disseminating informa- tion. Close bonds of professional collabora- Molony, Barbara and Kathleen Uno, eds. Homosocial bonds, Korikari notes, were anathema to men who stressed the rightness of heterosex- Cultural Movements and Collective Memory: uality.
Many stressed solidarity pp. These meanings ing group of Japanese women—prostitutes. Kubal nism, thousands of soldiers with venereal has chosen an inherently intriguing phe- diseases VD were seen as morally degener- nomenon and has investigated it in a sys- ate. The occupation rounded up Japanese tematic, thorough, well-researched, and women of all classes for VD testing.
Femi- well-organized way. This contrast is most present in and beyond to replace Columbus Day the introduction and conclusion, where with Indigenous Peoples Day, the way that Kubal relies heavily on a notion of power Columbus became an organizing principle and powerlessness that fits neither the sub- for panethnic Italian identity, and the use stantive findings of the book nor state-of- of Columbus Day to galvanize protests the-art theories of power and culture. This against colonialism. In most of the cases, is actually a relatively frequent issue in stud- he examines, very different groups of peo- ies of collective memory.
In fact, under cer- ple are brought together under the umbrella tain circumstances, people outside of the of broad panethnic identities. One of the most landscapes and messages. The opposition intriguing sections of the book is the discus- that Kubal and other scholars make between sion of Columbus Day in the context of Latin the powerful and the powerless is linguisti- American social movements and political cally dismissive of the recurring ability of mobilization. In Mexico City, Zapatista leader a wide range of people to shape collective Ramona comes out of hiding in the jungle memory in ways that are not always con- to attend a Columbus Day march in October trolled by captains of industry or well- p.
The book could have benefited from the grassroots, sometimes it appears from a more thorough engagement of the with a heavy hand from the state, but these likes of Barry Schwartz on Lincoln and multiple and sometimes contradictory possi- Washington, as well as Gary Fine, Jeff Olick, bilities are well worth observing. It is not clear to me In the discussion of civil religion, Dur- why the citations are placed in footnotes. Similarly, the data would have extensive evidence on the important differ- been better served by integrating at least ences between various secular states and to some of the 73 tables and figures into the document the ongoing struggles between text rather than relegating them to the assertive and passive secularists within appendix.
Again this is clearly an issue each country. Using detailed case studies of France, Tur- key, and the United States, Kuru illustrates and tests his arguments. New York: Cambridge existing research sources, he gives an histor- University Press, The United States serves rfinke psu. He marches through a series of court cases to This book is part of the Cambridge Studies illustrate the struggles that have occurred. France and Turkey serve as examples of Like previous contributions, this book assertive secularism, with each state taking attempts to understand religion-state rela- a more active role in excluding religion tions and the larger consequences of these from public areas.
Here, he points to the relations. He proposes to take us id secularism was needed to control the all- beyond the economic determinism modern- encompassing guidelines of Islam and that ization theories , the religious determinism assertive secularism was imported from civilizational theories , and the assumed France in an attempt to modernize the preferences rational choice theories of past nation.
His of information on religion and politics in careful review of primary documents gives France, Turkey, and the United States. From legislation to court cases assertive secularism, which requires the state to administrative actions, he reviews how to take an assertive role in excluding religion assertive and passive secularists struggle from the public arena and passive secularism, with religion policy. As mentioned earlier, which obliges the state to play a more pas- his review of historical documents also helps sive role and to allow religion a visible pres- to establish why and how different secular ence in the public sphere.
Though others states were founded in France, Turkey, and have made similar points, using a slightly the United States. And, that made an enduring collective social though he divides the secular states into impact. Moreover, the tional and rational choice theories. Rather counterculture itself, particularly women, than taking the reader beyond civilizational inspired social change without resorting to and rational choice theories, as he proposed, mass actions or rhetorical flourishes.
The histori- in the workplace to challenge established cal arguments, in particular, often relied on gender constructs. They usually departed structural, institutional, and human agency from their homes individually, but later arguments rather than ideological explana- came together in inexpensive urban neigh- tions.
But his evidence respected advocates for home birth and mid- for these bold statements was far more mod- wifery, informally contributing to the wom- est. He has shown effectively that ideology can They also shared and wrote about tradition- shape preferences and frame debates. More- al herbal remedies, and their work nour- over, he has illustrated the wide variation in ished the growth and spread of holistic and secular states and the ideologies they promote. They wrote Counterculture, by Gretchen Lemke- and performed songs that changed popular Santangelo.
Lawrence, KS: University of music. These women of the counterculture Kansas Press, Women were also central to mgoldman uoregon. The daughters of lege campuses and New Left political organi- Aquarius also popularized individualized zations. Informal, highly personal feminism practices like tarot card reading, palmistry, also emerged among young women who tried and labyrinth walking. Lembke-Santangelo asserts that indi- viduals from middle-class families felt finan- cially secure enough to depart from the The Reconstruction of Space and Time: Mobile mainstream and embark on personal quests Communication Practices, edited by Rich for more authentic and fulfilling ways of liv- Ling and Scott W.
New ing. It is possible that voluntary simplicity is Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, most attractive to people who have enjoyed ISBN: prosperity and still feel that something cru- However, wellman chass. They were embedded in the Indian tribal symbols and practices, and cul- lives of the people who inhabited those pla- tural appropriation is another important ces.
Usually, everyone present would know theme that could have been explored in rela- who was calling; often everyone would tion to urban aesthetics and rural communal know what the call was about. But telephones life. She offers tantalizing examples of the are increasingly linked to persons—not to intersections of gender and race in the per- places—and they are mobile.
Hardly interviews archived by the University of any wear wristwatches: they check their Kansas 60s Communes Project, and extended mobile phones. How- edited book surveys the mobile revolution ever, there is no systematic methodology to that is a key component in the networked support her observations and enlarge the operating system that has swept the world. At times, however, seren- It is the rapidly proliferating use of mobile dipity may have been as valuable as system- devices to access communication and infor- atic research.
The estate of Irwin Kline, mation at almost all times—and at the a noted photographer from the era, supplied same time, to be accessible to others. Yet they are more than tions also add another dimension to written technological fads. Both the qualitative and statistical evi- both obvious and subtle ways. Their mun- dence provide fascinating reports about dane use has major social consequences, mobile phone use in diverse locales: Eng- especially the transformation from group- land, Finland, France, Germany, India, based place-to-place communication to Japan, Norway, the Philippines, Sweden, individual-based person-to-person commu- and the United States.
They reinstitute the easy direct con- nectivity of preindustrial societies, but they Common Threads afford liberation from being bound up in the same location and within groups. Despite the diverse disciplines, locales, and These studies of the mobile revolution are methods, this is not a book where readers in stark contrast to the oy vey-ism that per- can compare and contrast findings. To the meates so much sociology. Unlike most contrary, the authors of the 12 chapters tell sociological research, the study of ICTs an integrated story, concentrating on com- information and communication technolo- munication among friends, family, and gies is more about social opportunities coworkers.
Some pundits still cling wide-ranging book is filled with accounts to the now-disproved myth that ICTs isolate of how mobile phones have affected—and people. They how mobile phones expand and enhance remind us that the world may be going to interpersonal relations. Such mobile connec- hell in a handbasket, but good things are tivity operates in concert with other forms of also happening. It often sets up face-to-face meet- ings, just as e-mail often sets up mobile Diversity chats. The authors hail Mobile intimacy.
Mobile phones are car- from sociology, anthropology, architecture, ried and murmured into intimately. Several communication science, and psychology. Close friends and relatives are most and Information Technologies section of the apt to be called. In such ways, mobile ASA has more than tripled in size in the phones are more constricted than Internet past five years—to well over members.
Corporate ICT Networked individuals. Mobile phones are researchers rarely are oy vey-ers.
Collective creativity: Art and society in the South ... - Just Pacific Home
Their essentially for person-to-person contact organizations want to know who is doing between individuals—and not between what and why they are doing it: now and groups. People usually connect one-to- five years ahead. Yet, they are networked The different disciplines bring a variety of individuals, using their phones, ICTs, and methods to bear. In addition to the standard in-person encounters to connect with sociological armaments of surveys, in-depth diverse others. Mobile phones are shared according to conversation analysis, videos of interactions, strict rules among the impoverished resi- and experimental manipulation of nonver- dents of Bangalore, India.
The rules for shar- bal cues on mobile phones. Several scholars ing reflect and build upon interpersonal rely on huge telecom databases of who calls kinship and trust relations. Unlike the walled developments. Mobile phones, the focus of communities of the past, people take their this book, are being joined by small, light- mobile communities with them and are usu- weight netbook computers, with WiFi, ally reachable wherever they are. This creates WiMax, 3G, and so on providing higher a need for context, because even the most inti- speed Web connections.